May, Wednesday 13th., 2020Το DER SPIEGEL και "...Εκατό ευρωβουλευτές κατηγορούν την Ελλάδα για τον Έβρο - Τάσσονται στο πλευρό της Τουρκίας!..."
May, Wednesday 13th., 2020
Το DER SPIEGEL και "...Εκατό ευρωβουλευτές κατηγορούν την Ελλάδα για τον Έβρο - Τάσσονται στο πλευρό της Τουρκίας!..."
Οι Κρατούσες Δυνάμεις της Παγκοσμιοποίησης, του σκότους, του μίσους κατά της Ανθρωπότητας, κατά της Ειρήνης, ορεγόμενες την διάλυση της Ευρώπης, του Ευρωπαϊκού πολιτισμού και της Ελλάδας, εντείνουν τις ανοίκειες δράσεις τους σε όλους τους τομείς με όλα τους τα υποχείρια, όπως φανερώνει η τρέχουσα ειδησεογραφία...
Και ποιός αλήθεια δεν αισθάνεται την ενθουσιώδη ροή της επανατροφοδότησης με φρέσκο χρήμα να επενδύεται σε υποχείρια και διαρκώς ανανεούμενες, καθοδηγούμενες, ορμητικές ενέργειες κι εγκληματικές κινήσεις...!
Απλά διαβάζοντας τον συστημικό Τύπο, ιδιαίτερα τον διεθνή, διαπιστώνεις την πλήρη ακράτεια μίσους, κακοήθειας και ψεύδους, νόσου υποκείμενης και βαρύτατης, που είναι αδιάψευστο πειστήριο ολικής διαφθοράς... Πόσο θάθελα να κοπεί η καταβολή των μισθίων στους συγκεκριμένους χρήστες, από τον χειριστή ως τον χειριζόμενο! Τί προσφιλής ησυχία θα προέκυπτε στα εσωτερικά κι εξωτερικά πεδία! Και πόσο ελεύθερη θα αναδειχθεί τότε η αληθινή βούληση του Ανθρώπου να διαμορφώσει το αρμονικό μέλλον της επιβίωσης κι άνθησής του!
Μαρία Λ. Πελεκανάκη
"...Εκατό ευρωβουλευτές κατηγορούν την Ελλάδα για τον Έβρο - Τάσσονται στο πλευρό της Τουρκίας!..."
Νέα ένταση
H Αθήνα συνέτριψε τους τουρκικούς σχεδιασμούς στα σύνορα και έδειξε περίτρανα πως όταν θέλει μπορεί.
Από
την Καθαρά Δευτέρα και έπειτα όλα άλλαξαν στην περιοχή, καθώς δείξαμε
όχι μόνο αντίσταση, αλλά και το ποιος κάνει το ''κουμάντο'' στη περιοχή.
Από
τότε έγιναν σημαντικά βήματα. Οι ελληνικές Αρχές αναγκάστηκαν να
κλείσουν τα σύνορα στην περιοχή Παζάρ Κουλέ, τοποθετώντας τσιμεντομπλόκ
στο φράχτη.
Ταυτόχρονα συνεχίστηκε η θωράκιση του
συρματοπλέγματος κατά μήκος της συνοριακής γραμμής, ενώ έχουν
δημιουργηθεί αναχώματα και τάφροι με αποτέλεσμα κάποια ευάλωτα σημεία
από τα οποία επιχειρούσαν να περάσουν πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες να είναι
πλέον απροσπέλαστα.
Eίναι που αναφέρουμε συνεχώς στο Πενταπόσταγμα, όταν θέλουμε μπορούμε. Τι έγινε χθες
Συναγερμός
σήμανε χθες βράδυ στις ελληνικές ένοπλες δυνάμεις και ένταση επικράτησε
στα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα κοντά στις Φέρες και συγκεκριμένα στην
περιοχή Μελισσοκομείο.
Τις τελευταίες ημέρες, ο
στρατός μας προχωράει στην κατασκευή προγραμματισμένων «αποτρεπτικών
εμποδίων», όπως επανειλημμένως είχε δηλωθεί από πλευράς των αρμοδίων
στρατιωτικών και πολιτικών αρμοδίων του υπουργείου Εθνικής Αμύνης και
του Γενικού Επιτελείου, στη διάρκεια και αμέσως μετά το τέλος της
τουρκικής υβριδικής απειλής του Μαρτίου.
Με την
αποτυχημένη δηλαδή προσπάθεια των Τούρκων να περάσουν ομαδικά χιλιάδες
λαθρομετανάστες στο ελληνικό έδαφος. Στην περιοχή Μελισσοκομείο των
Φερών και σε ένα σημείο που ανήκει ξεκάθαρα στην Ελλάδα, ο ελληνικός
στρατός ξεκίνησε να κάνει κάποιες παρεμβάσεις και έργα καθαρισμού
μερικών στρεμμάτων, προκειμένου στη συνέχεια να τοποθετήσει
συρματοπλέγματα και άλλα εμπόδια αποτροπής εισόδου μεταναστών, αναφέρει το evrosnews.gr ---Ελληνοτουρκικά228
Πρόκειται
για μία έκταση περίπου 30 στρεμμάτων, η οποία βρίσκεται στην παλαιά
κοίτη του ποταμού Έβρου, αλλά όπως επισημάναμε είναι ξεκάθαρα ελληνική.
Επειδή όμως τα τελευταία χρόνια έμεινε ακαλλιέργητη, υπήρξε πυκνή
βλάστηση και δεν είχαμε κάποια αγροτική ή κτηνοτροφική δραστηριότητα από
τους κατοίκους της περιοχής. Έτσι, επειδή λόγω των
πλημμυρών υπήρχε χερσαία επικοινωνία με την Τουρκία, έμπαιναν ζώα από
την γειτονική χώρα για βοσκή, αλλά όλοι γνώριζαν πως πρόκειται για
ελληνικό έδαφος. Δεν συνέβη δηλαδή αυτό που γίνεται περίπου 200 μέτρα
πιο πέρα στην ίδια περιοχή του Μελισσοκομείου, όπου υπάρχει το
επονομαζόμενο κτήμα Μιχαηλίδη, όπου με την βοήθεια και του στρατού που
χρησιμοποιούσε ειδική σχεδία, ένας αγρότης καλλιεργούσε την έκταση που
ανήκει σε άλλον ιδιώτη ο οποίος τη νοίκιαζε.
Όταν λοιπόν
οι Τούρκοι διαπίστωσαν στην συγκεκριμένη περιοχή χθες το βράδυ την
παρουσία Ελλήνων στρατιωτών, με τοπογράφους και στρατιώτες έτοιμους να
αρχίσουν την τοποθέτηση συρματοπλεγμάτων, αμέσως κινητοποιήθηκαν
δυνάμεις τους από τα φυλάκια που βρίσκονται πιο πίσω στην περιοχή και
ήρθαν πάνω στη συνοριογραμμή. Ήρθαν… πρόσωπο με πρόσωπο
με τους Έλληνες στρατιώτες, παρέμειναν εκεί ως το πρωί και όπως είναι
φυσικό επικράτησε… κόκκινος συναγερμός. Ίσως οι Τούρκοι πίστεψαν ότι τα
έργα από το Μηχανικό της 12ης Μεραρχίας και του Δ’ Σώματος Στρατού που
θα κατασκευαστούν επί της ελληνικής όχθης και του ξεκάθαρα ελληνικού
εδάφους, μπορεί να αποτελέσουν «επιχωματώσεις» που θα αλλάξουν τη
γεωγραφία της όχθης του ποταμού. Κάτι που δεν ισχύει όμως.
Ίσως
οι Τούρκοι να πίστεψαν ότι με την παρουσία τους στην περιοχή, μπορεί να
αμφισβητηθεί σε ποιον ανήκει το συγκεκριμένο σημείο. Τελικά σήμερα το
πρωί ξεκίνησαν οι απαραίτητες συνεννοήσεις με τα υψηλόβαθμα στρατιωτικά
στελέχη των δύο πλευρών που βρίσκονται στην περιοχή και συνεννοούνται
για την επίλυση παρόμοιων περιστατικών. Τα πράγματα τελικά ηρέμησαν και
οι Τούρκοι στρατιώτες υποχώρησαν, αφού η ελληνική πλευρά ξεκαθάρισε ότι
με βάση τα επίσημα στοιχεία της ανήκει ο χώρος αυτός και φυσικά μπορεί
να προβεί στις εργασίες που θεωρεί απαραίτητες για την αποτροπή εισόδου
λαθρομεταναστών στο έδαφος της. Φυσικά τόσο οι αστυνομικές
όσο και οι στρατιωτικές δυνάμεις της Ελλάδας παραμένουν σε επιφυλακή
και σε αυξημένη ετοιμότητα. Παράλληλα θα υλοποιηθούν κανονικά τα
επιπρόσθετα μέτρα ασφαλείας και προστασίας των συνόρων στον Έβρο,
προκειμένου να αντιμετωπιστεί καλύτερα ενδεχόμενη νέα τουρκική υβριδική
απειλή σε άλλο σημείο, αφού στο χερσαίο τμήμα του, στις Καστανιές, η
Τουρκία δοκίμασε και απέτυχε τον περασμένο Μάρτιο.
On March 4 at the Turkish-Greek border, four migrants were shot within four minutes. BULENT KILIC/ AFP
The land border between Greece and Turkey is 212 kilometers long,
with most of it running along the Maritsa River. There’s just one
segment in the north where an 11-kilometer stretch of border fence runs
between the two countries near Karaağaç.
In early March, just before the coronavirus took over the news cycle, this fence was the focus of headlines around the world.
On
that early spring day, thousands of migrants were crowding the Turkish
side of the border, while on the Greek side, security forces had taken
up their positions. The acrid odor of tear gas filled the air and
helicopters circled the area. People were shouting back and forth.
Muhammad
Gulzar, 42, hadn't slept well the night before, his wife Saba Khan, 38,
would later recall, and he woke up hungry on March 4. Khan would have
preferred, that morning, to return to Istanbul, from where the couple
had started their journey in the hopes of making it to Europe. But
Gulzar had talked his wife into making one final attempt to get across
the fence. A short time later, Gulzar was dead, struck by a bullet in
the chest.
Guzar lying on the ground: "Get up! Get up!"(Credit: Forensic Architecture, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat)
Muhammad Gulzar and Saba Khan, both from Pakistan, had only recently
got married, on Jan. 21. Just a few days after the shooting, Khan was
sitting in a restaurant in Istanbul, her face buried in her hands. On
her wrist was the watch that her husband had given her. Khan was in a
state of deep desperation, wondering if Muhammad might still be alive if
she had insisted on turning around and going back.
The deadly
incident that unfolded in the first week of March along the border
between Turkey and Greece has long since dropped out of the
international headlines. Khan, though, can’t put it behind her - nor can
the other families who lost relatives in those chaotic March days. At
least two people died trying to cross the border into Greece, and dozens
were injured, some seriously. And to this day, it still isn’t entirely
clear who bears responsibility.
A propaganda war over the incident has broken out between Turkey and
Greece. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan alleges that Greek
security forces deliberately fired on the migrants, while the Greek
government denies all such claims.
DER SPIEGEL
DER SPIEGEL reporters spent weeks reporting on both sides of the
border, together with the research teams Forensic Architecture,
Lighthouse Reports and Bellingcat. The reporters interviewed two dozen
witnesses, including refugees, border guards, politicians and doctors.
They also reviewed official documents, including Muhammad Gulzar’s
autopsy report, and evaluated more than 100 videos and photos taken by
migrants at the border.
The findings of the reporting contradict the official versions,
especially – on decisive points – the Greek account. Muhammad Gulzar’s
death may well have been an accident, but it was a predictable accident.
A reconstruction of the events surrounding his March 4 death reads as
though both sides were eager to escalate the situation.
BLACKMAIL
On
Feb. 27, Russian fighter jets are believed to have killed at least 33
Turkish soldiers in an attack on military posts in the Syrian province
of Idlib. The Turkish authorities blocked both Facebook and Twitter, but
they were unable to suppress news about the deaths for long. In
response to the incident, Erdoğan convened a crisis meeting, which ended
with a surprising decision: Turkey would be opening its border to
Europe.
That border had been closed ever since the EU and Turkey
had agreed to a pact years earlier that would sharply reduce the number
of refugees making their way north to Europe. And by publicly breaching
that deal, Erdoğan was likely seeking to distract from the problems his
military was having in Syria, while at the same time blackmailing the
Europeans for more money to care for the large numbers of refugees in
Turkey. And the gambit seemed to have had the desired effect: Over the
course of the next few days, there was little talk about the Turkish
losses in Idlib.
Buses brought the migrants from Istanbul to the Greek border. Omer Kuscu/ dpa
At the height of the refugee crisis in 2015, the bus station in
Istanbul’s Aksaray neighborhood served as a hub for migrants making
their way to Europe, and now, refugees were once again boarding buses at
the site. The news had spread on Facebook and WhatsApp that the gates
to Europe had reopened, and more than 10,000 migrants had decided to see
for themselves. In some instances, the Turkish authorities even
chartered buses to transport migrants to the border.
Pakistan
national Gulzar and his wife were among those who took a bus from
Istanbul to the border. It wasn’t the first time that Gulzar had
traveled to Europe. In 2007, he had made his way to Greece, where he
ended up working for years – most of the time with a "tolerated” status
from the immigration authorities. He was initially on his own, but was
later joined by his oldest son. His wife at the time and four children
remained in Pakistan. Gulzar repaired fireplaces in Greek homes, with
his last boss, Nikolaos Tzokanis, describing him as honest and
hard-working.
Things were going well professionally for Gulzar, but privately,
something was amiss. He was married, but his true love, Saba Khan, lived
in Pakistan, so he decided to separate from his wife and move back to
Pakistan to marry Khan. Tzokanis says he asked Gulzar to wait until Khan
received an official entry permit before returning to Greece. But that
would have taken months and they didn’t want to wait that long. He says
Gulzar told him: "I've made it to Europe before. I can do it again.”
Gulzar
flew from Greece to Pakistan, where he and Khan married on Jan. 21, and
a few days later, the newlyweds traveled to Turkey via Iran. They had
big plans for their future in Greece: Khan wanted to work as a
hairdresser and maybe even open up her own beauty salon. The only thing
standing in their way were the Greek border guards.
Kyriakos Mitsotakis had only been prime minister of Greece for nine
months, but the refugee crisis was already overshadowing his tenure.
Migrants were living in overcrowded camps on the Greek islands and there
had been repeated instances of violence against them. Mitsotakis was
well aware that the asylum system would collapse for good if the number
of refugees was to rise sharply. But that’s exactly what was in store
now that Erdoğan had reopened the border.
Facing this dilemma,
Mitsotakis suspended the right of asylum on March 1 for one month, a
move lawyers would later deem illegal. He also dispatched 1,000 soldiers
and 1,000 police officers to the north.
THE BATTLEFIELD
Gulzar
and Khan believed Erdoğan’s claim that the border had been opened. But
when they arrived at Pazarkule, it was like a battlefield. Thousands of
people were camping outdoors while Greek security forces were firing
tear gas and water cannons.
Khan says they never would have
boarded the bus had they known what was awaiting them at the border,
adding that they would have tried to get to a Greek island by boat
instead. But now they were stuck at the border area. To keep pressure on
the Europeans, Turkish gendarmes even prevented refugees from returning
to Istanbul from Pazarkule.
The border area was transformed into a death zone. Darko Bandic/ AP
The migrants grew increasingly desperate as a result, with some
throwing rocks at Greek border guards. The BND, Germany's foreign
intelligence service, believes that Turkish agents mixed in with the
crowds to exacerbate the situation. The Greeks clearly sought to keep
the onslaught at bay – and not just with water cannons and tear gas.
Several refugees told DER SPIEGEL that they had been shot at by Greek
security forces.
One Syrian said his wife has been missing since
Greek border guards stopped the family from crossing the Maritsa River.
He claims that Greek officers fired at him several times and forcibly
separated him from his wife. Another Syrian man, Mohammad al-Arab, died
on March 2 along the Maritsa, more than 80 kilometers south of the
Pazarkule border post. The research agency Forensic Architecture has
determined through video analysis that al-Arab was shot. Two witnesses
claim it was Greek soldiers who opened fire on him.
European
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen traveled to the crisis area on
March 3. For the first time in four years, the EU could no longer rely
on Erdoğan to stop the refugees, and Greece, in the words of von der
Leyen had become Europe's "shield.” She made no mention of the
accusations of violence against Greek security forces.
The Greek government sent elite soldiers to the country's border with Turkey. ALEXANDROS AVRAMIDIS/ REUTERS
Elias Tzimitras always gets called in when there’s danger. He’s part
of a Greek armed forces special unit that the military leadership had
deployed at the Greek-Turkish border. The Greek security forces were
organized in two lines: On the front line were the police officers with
shields, batons and pistols, while behind them were soldiers with
semi-automatic rifles. Tzimitras and his men.
As an officer,
Tzimitras is forbidden from speaking to the media. As such, we have
decided to keep secret his real name, rank and the name of his unit.
Tzimitras reports that the situation at the border was extremely tense.
He and his colleagues feared they might get kidnapped and said that some
of the migrants were also armed. Tzimitras and his comrades worked in
day shifts and night shifts, and they were constantly subjected to
provocations by Turkish soldiers, Tzimitras says.
The government
in Athens has denied that Greek security forces used live ammunition.
Tzimitras, however, disputes such claims. "We fired both blanks and live
ammunition,” he says. But he claims they were only warning shots into
the air or the ground. Authorization to do so, he says, came from the
military leadership.
Videos show that live ammunition was used at the border. (Credit: Forensic Architecture, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat)
Videos that have been evaluated by the forensics experts also prove
that shots were fired with live ammunition on March 4. One video filmed
on the Turkish side of the border and shown by Turkish state broadcaster
TRT shows a fire at the border fence. Then shots ring out and a young
man collapses.
The man filming the blurred images shouts in
English: "Gunfire from the Greece army … I have seen someone who is
shot.” Migrants can be seen fleeing from the fence, and a little later,
men appear behind the fire at the fence – apparently Greek soldiers.
In
a video from the Greek side, the same sequence of shots can be found.
Two Greeks can be heard talking to each other off camera. "They aimed",
the first person says in it. "They aimed," the second person confirms.
"That’s the only way …”
In the video, the characteristic sounds of live ammunition can be
heard: first a crack produced by the shock wave of the projectile
followed by the sound of the muzzle blast. With blanks, you would only
hear the muzzle blast. Steven Beck, an American weapons expert who
reviewed the footage, is certain that the shots that can be heard in the
video are live ammunition. According to his analysis, the intervals
between the shots indicate it was a semi-automatic weapon. He believes
the shooter was standing around 40 to 60 meters away from the camera. In
all the available videos, it is only on the Greek side that individuals
can be seen standing within a radius of 60 meters and carrying such
weapons.
THE SHOT
When Gulzar and Khan woke up after a
restless night, the first altercations had already broken out at the
border post and the air was full of tear gas. Khan could barely breathe.
That
day, Gulzar wore a black jacket, a pair of blue jeans with holes and
black, ankle-high boots with a zipper. He took his wife’s hand and they
marched toward the fence together. "Do not attempt to cross the border,”
Greek border guards warned over a loudspeaker. Khan watched as a man
cut a hole in the fence just a few meters away from them. Some of the
migrants used bolt cutters, which the Turkish gendarmes likely supplied.
Armed soldiers at the border fence. (Credit: Forensic Architecture, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat)
The Greek soldiers stood parallel to the fence, with a few meters
between them. They wore face masks and carried semi-automatic rifles.
Shots could be heard every few minutes, including from semi-automatic
weapons. But the men continue trying to break through the fence. A group
of migrants carried the first injured person away, the man holding the
left side of his face with his arm. The migrants placed his legs in a
blanket to make it easier to carry him. When they reached the road, they
put the injured man in a Turkish ambulance.
Gulzar and Khan
weren’t far from the border fence. Gulzar spoke to the security forces
in Greek and had just turned away, Khan says, when the fatal shot was
fired. Her husband collapsed with his hand on his chest. "Get up,” she
screamed at him, "get up!”
"The shot definitely came from the Greek side,” Khan says. She says she barely missed getting shot in the foot.
In
the video, you can see people rushing to the injured Gulzar. His face
is covered, but the zippered boots, the pattern of the torn blue jeans
and the black jacket leave no doubt that it is Gulzar who is lying there
on the ground.
"They killed him, lift him up!" the migrants
shouted in Arabic. They pulled him up by his shirt and jacket, running
as they carried Gulzar toward the street to the ambulance.
DER
SPIEGEL spoke with two of the migrants who filmed the events that day.
Both claim that Gulzar was shot and killed by the Greeks. One of the
men, named Sobhi, says that a soldier shot Gulzar with an assault rifle.
He can be seen in a video shortly after the incident. He says: "There's
a Pakistani who's been shot in the shoulder with live ammunition. At
the fence. The ambulance just took him away.”
Migrants did all they could to break through the border fence. MARKO DJURICA/ REUTERS
Images from the Greek television station Skai TV show Greek soldiers
along the fence near the place where Gulzar was shot and killed. They
are carrying FN Minimi, M4 and M16 semi-automatic weapons, which fire
5.56-millimeter caliber bullets. According to the autopsy report of the
Istanbul Institute of Forensic Medicine, which DER SPIEGEL has obtained,
it is precisely one of these bullets that was found inside Gulzar’s
body.
The rattle of automatic weapons never seemed to stop on that
day. Mobile phone cameras captured the sound, and more migrants started
filming. Some fled the fence area in panic. Within four minutes, four
injured men were carried away. Fourteen minutes later, a fifth was taken
away. Some suffered from gunfire wounds.
One of the injured can
be identified beyond any doubt. His name is Mohammad Hantou. Videos show
him stumbling across the field, holding his head with one hand. When he
falls down, other men help him up and support him.
Mohammad Hantou flees the border fence. (Credit: Forensic Architecture, Lighthouse Reports, Bellingcat)
DER SPIEGEL met with Hantou at the hospital at Edirne one day later.
His brother Riad was with him, and Hantou had a bandage on his right
ear. Two pieces of shot from a shotgun struck him there, one of them
destroying a bone behind his ear, he says. That’s what the doctors told
him. Hantou is certain that Greek security forces fired on him that day.
The
university hospital in Edirne is located only 14 kilometers from the
border post. Gulzar arrived at the hospital’s emergency room a half hour
after he was shot and the doctors tried in vain to reanimate him. They
declared him dead 45 minutes later.
When Saba Khan received the
news, she collapsed on the sidewalk next to the hospital, as can be seen
in a video shot by a CNN camera team. It shows Khan sobbing, screaming
and banging her head against a car repeatedly. She will say later that
she believed right to the very end that Gulzar would survive.
When contacted by DER SPIEGEL for a statement, the Greek government
rejected all the accusations, dismissing them as "Turkish propaganda.”
Greece has the "right to protect its borders,” the government said in a
written statement, adding that "Greek police and military forces were
charged with using non-lethal measures."
The European Union member
states have been tightening their migration policies since 2015 and
they have ceased conducting rescue missions in the Mediterranean, but
Gulzar’s death nonetheless marks a turning point. In his case, border
guards not only failed to help – in all likelihood, they themselves were
the ones who killed him.
It’s quite possible that Gulzar was shot accidentally, that he was
hit by a ricochet. But it is also the responsibility of the authorities
to determine exactly what happened. By dismissing all reports on the
attacks against migrants as fake news, however, the Greek government is
making it impossible to uncover all the facts.
DER SPIEGEL 20/2020
cgs
The article you are reading originally appeared in German in issue 20/2020 (May 09, 2020) of DER SPIEGEL.
Back at the restaurant in Istanbul, Khan swipes through the photos on
her mobile phone. She has retained a lawyer to pursue the case – and
she’s prepared to go all the way up to the European Court of Human
rights if she has to. It would then be up to the judges to deliver what
politicians have failed to: justice for Muhammad Gulzar. With reporting by Usman Mahar